Tōbaku Movement

The Tōbaku-undō (倒幕運動) refers to political movements and activities aimed at overthrowing a bakufu (shogunate).

The term primarily denotes the political movement in Japan during the late Edo period (specifically the Bakumatsu period) that sought to overthrow the Tokugawa shogunate and establish a new regime. In a narrow sense, it refers to Tōbaku-undō (討幕運動), movements specifically aimed at overthrowing the shogunate by military force. In a broader sense, it includes revolutionary movements that aimed for a transfer of power while avoiding or minimizing military conflict.^[1][2]

The term "Tōbaku-undō" is also used for the movements led by Emperor Go-Daigo at the end of the Kamakura period to overthrow the Kamakura shogunate (the Shōchū uprising and the Genkō War).

In contrast, regarding the Muromachi shogunate, it can be said that no "Tōbaku-undō" existed. This is because Oda Nobunaga, who expelled Ashikaga Yoshiaki, did not formally revoke Yoshiaki's title of Seii Taishōgun. Furthermore, powers like the Mōri clan continued to support Yoshiaki as shogun. It is believed that Yoshiaki automatically lost the position of shogun when he received the status of Jun-Sanmi and entered priesthood under the Toyotomi government (according to the Kugyō Bunin).

During the Edo period, the study of Japanese classics (Kokugaku) flourished, giving rise to currents of thought advocating for the restoration of imperial rule and criticizing the samurai-led government.

Simultaneously, visits by foreign ships became frequent. Following the arrival of America's Matthew C. Perry and Russia's Yevfimy Putyatin in 1853 (Kaei 6), who sought to open trade, the Tokugawa shogunate concluded trade treaties with various foreign powers (the Ansei Treaties) in 1858 (Ansei 5), deciding to open the country.

However, as the Jōi (Expel the Barbarians) faction held sway among the Kuge (court nobles) at the time, these nobles strongly criticized the shogunate and the Tairō (Great Elder), Ii Naosuke, arguing that treaties signed without imperial sanction were invalid. This led to heightened tensions between the Imperial Court and the shogunate, culminating in incidents like the Ansei Purge (1858) and the assassination of Ii Naosuke (1860).

In response, the shogunate proposed a policy of Kōbu Gattai (Union of the Imperial Court and the Shogunate) to restructure its power. It decided to postpone the full opening of the country, for example, by concluding the London Memorandum in 1862 (Bunkyū 2). Moreover, as foreign powers also sought imperial sanction for the treaties, the authority of the Emperor and the Court was revived.

Meanwhile, activist Shishi (patriots) from the anti-shogunate camp, influenced by the ideology of Mitogaku (Mito School) and its emphasis on duty and name (meibun), developed a rationale for overthrowing the shogunate for failing to implement Jōi. Key figures among the anti-shogunate faction, such as Saigō Takamori (Kichinosuke), Ōkubo Toshimichi, and Komatsu Tatewaki of the Satsuma Domain; Katsura Kogorō (later Kido Takayoshi) and Hirosawa Saneomi of the Chōshū Domain; Takechi Zuizan and Yoshimura Torajirō of the Tosa Domain; and the court noble Iwakura Tomomi, operated under the vision of restoring imperial rule (Ōsei fukko) and maintaining national seclusion (Sakoku).^[3][4]

The Kōbu Gattai proponents, including the Aizu Domain and initially the Satsuma Domain (the Sabaku or pro-shogunate faction), moved to suppress these anti-shogunate (Sonnō jōi) activists. Satsuma had suppressed anti-shogunate elements in incidents like the Tenchūgumi incident (1863) and the Forbidden Gate Incident (1864). After triggering the Shimonoseki Incident in the 5th month of 1863 (Bunkyū 3), the Chōshū Domain was branded an "enemy of the Court" (Chōteki) and expelled from Kyoto (August 18th Coup).

Although Chōshū triggered the Shimonoseki Incident again in the 5th month of 1864 (Genji 1), following the First Chōshū expedition in the 6th month, the pro-shogunate faction (Zokuron-ha) seized control of the domain's government, and the anti-shogunate movement appeared to subside publicly. However, reformers like Takasugi Shinsuke within Chōshū regrouped and overthrew the pro-shogunate faction. They maintained their anti-shogunate vision while building military strength, such as purchasing the steamship Union (ostensibly in Satsuma's name) from the British trading house Glover & Co. in 1865 (Keiō 1).^[5]

On the other hand, Satsuma, having experienced British military superiority firsthand during the Anglo-Satsuma War in 1863 and finding its policies on shogunate reform diverging from the shogunate's, secretly formed the Satchō Alliance with Chōshū on March 7, 1866 (Keiō 2), mediated by Sakamoto Ryōma.

In the 6th month of 1866, Chōshū successfully repelled the shogunate's forces during the Second Chōshū expedition, significantly undermining the shogunate's prestige.

Emperor Kōmei died at the age of 35 in the 1st month of 1867 (Keiō 3), and the 14-year-old Emperor Meiji ascended the throne. The subsequent Four-Power Conference (Shikō kaigi), held from the 5th month, ended unsuccessfully. On November 9, 1867, the Imperial Court issued a secret Imperial decree to overthrow the shogunate to Satsuma and Chōshū. In response, Satsuma, cooperating with figures like Iwakura Tomomi, worked to eliminate shogunate influence at Court and restore Chōshū's standing.

The 15th shogun, Tokugawa Yoshinobu, responding to these anti-shogunate movements, tendered his resignation and returned political authority to the Emperor on the same day, November 9, 1867. Initially, anti-shogunate leaders like Ōkubo Toshimichi planned to implement the restoration of imperial rule on January 2, 1868 (Keiō 4), aligning with dates set for opening ports and cities in the London Memorandum. However, at the request of Tosa Domain's Gotō Shōjirō, they postponed and issued the Decree for the Restoration of Imperial Rule on January 3, 1868. With the Tokugawa shogunate's dissolution, the anti-shogunate movement appeared nominally complete.

However, forces supporting the shogunate remained. The Boshin War began, sparked by the Battle of Toba–Fushimi in Kyoto on January 26, 1868.

While Matsudaira Yoshinaga (Shungaku), former lord of Echizen Domain and now a Gijō (Imperial Councilor) in the new government, opposed official government involvement, viewing the conflict as a private quarrel between Satsuma and pro-shogunate forces, Iwakura Tomomi, also newly appointed as a Gijō, supported subduing the pro-shogunate side. By granting the imperial forces the Imperial Golden Seal and brocade banners, the pro-shogunate forces were branded "enemies of the Court."

Edo Castle, the shogunate's headquarters, was surrendered peacefully on May 3, 1868. Tokugawa Yoshinobu, who had returned to Edo from Osaka Castle, submitted to the new Meiji government. Edo Castle was subsequently confiscated, and the Tokugawa clan's political apparatus was dissolved.

Nevertheless, pro-shogunate forces, allied with the Northern Alliance domains, continued to resist, branded as enemies of the Court, in regions extending to Kai Province, Tōhoku, and eventually Ezo (Hokkaido), prolonging the Boshin War.^[6]

1. The Battle of Sekigahara in 1600 (Keichō 5) solidified Tokugawa Ieyasu's establishment of the Tokugawa shogunate and, concurrently, left lasting lessons for various Daimyōs over the subsequent 200+ years. Resentments born at Sekigahara would later fuel the anti-shogunate movement.
2. The expansion and aggression of Western imperialist powers pressed upon East Asia. China lost Hong Kong Island after the Opium War with Britain. Japan experienced early encounters like Adam Laxman's arrival (1792), demands for trade, and frictions/incidents such as the Phaeton incident (1808) and the Golovnin incident (1811). Sentiments desiring to preserve the peaceful Pax Tokugawa society (under Sakoku) from disturbance evolved into the Jōi (Expel the Barbarians) movement.
3. As the Tenpō Reforms began in 1841 (Tenpō 12), some Tozama (outside) domains began achieving success with their own domainal reforms. Significantly, the leading examples were Satsuma, Chōshū, Tosa, and Hizen – the domains that would play central roles in overthrowing the shogunate.
4. Confronted with overwhelming military force symbolized by the Black Ships, the shogunate, as ruling powers often do, chose the realistic path of opening the country.
5. The Imperial Court expressed its will for Jōi. Whether Emperor Kōmei personally endorsed this is debated.
6. Around the late Edo period, within Kokugaku (the study of Japanese classics), the concept of "original Japanese ways of thinking predating the introduction of foreign religions" emerged, possibly reflecting societal sentiments against using "Chinese words," as cautioned by the monk Ryōkan. This line of thought tracing "original Japanese" identity culminated in reverence for the Emperor, and with increasing external pressure, Sonnō (Revere the Emperor) ideology intensified. The political center of gravity shifted towards Kyoto.
7. Concerned about deteriorating public order in Kyoto during Shogun Tokugawa Iemochi's journey to the capital, the Rōshigumi (Masterless Samurai Corps) was formed. A faction that remained in Kyoto later formed the Shinsengumi (which functioned somewhat as a military police).
8. Unable to ignore the Court's wish for Jōi, the shogunate formally ordered domains to carry out Jōi measures.
9. The Chōshū Domain initiated the Shimonoseki Incident, had its batteries captured, and suffered a major defeat by the allied forces of Britain, France, the Netherlands, and the U.S., who invaded its territory.
10. The Satsuma Domain, though suffering fewer casualties in the Anglo-Satsuma War, incurred immense damage, with one-tenth of Kagoshima Castle town burning down.
11. Learning from the Anglo-Satsuma War, Satsuma concluded that Jōi was impossible, shifted its policy towards opening the country, and focused on enhancing domainal strength and acquiring advanced technology. Chōshū, after the Shimonoseki Incident, initially maintained its domainal policy of Jōi based on Sonnō ideology. However, when Emperor Kōmei granted imperial sanction to the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the US in 1865 (Keiō 1), Sonnō and Jōi became decoupled, and the Jōi impetus weakened. With mediation from Tosa's Sakamoto Ryōma and others, Satsuma and Chōshū reconciled, forming the Satchō Alliance. Subsequently, domains in the west began to coalesce under the goal of overthrowing the shogunate.
12. Chōshū, after a period of showing a "pro-shogunate submission" stance led by the Zokuron-tō (Moderate faction), ultimately adopted an anti-shogunate posture.
13. Domains like Satsuma and Tosa initially aimed for Kōbu Gattai (Union of Court and Shogunate) and a council of daimyōs with the Tokugawa house as chair. However, at a certain stage, they abandoned the shogunate and allied with their former enemy, Chōshū.
14. On November 9, 1867 (Keiō 3), a secret Imperial decree to overthrow the shogunate was issued to Satsuma and Chōshū (the authenticity of the decree is debated). However, influenced by the advice and efforts of Yamanouchi Toyonobu (Yōdō), former lord of Tosa, and others, Shogun Tokugawa Yoshinobu tendered his resignation and returned political authority (Taisei Hōkan) to the Emperor on the same day.^[7]

The Shimazu clan's alignment with the Western Army at Sekigahara is attributed to a lack of timely information about the situation in the Kyoto-Osaka region. Forced into the Western camp due to this ignorance, Satsuma subsequently adopted characteristics of an independent kingdom, deploying spies throughout Japan to enhance intelligence gathering. It strictly punished infiltrators, even shogunate officials, to prevent leaks. Furthermore, steady accumulation of domestic and foreign currency through the brown sugar monopoly and smuggling via the Ryukyu Kingdom proved crucial for its rapid and relatively easy acquisition of Western-style military equipment during the Bakumatsu period.^[8]

Notable was the tolerance of the domain lord, Mōri Takachika (nicknamed Sōsei-kō, meaning "the lord who agrees to everything"). While Tosa's lord, Yamanouchi Yōdō, imposed severe discrimination on the Gōshi (rural samurai) class, Chōshū's Kiheitai (irregular militia) was primarily composed of people from social strata far lower than Tosa's Gōshi. This became foundational for the early Meiji policies of class equality and the conscription-based universal military service system.^[9]

Many figures from lower social classes within Chōshū participated in the movement. Yamagata Aritomo and Itō Hirobumi are prime examples. They became central to the anti-shogunate movement and achieved prominent positions within the new Meiji government, transforming the former Chōshū domainal forces into a driving force for Japan's modernization and Fukoku kyōhei (enrich the country, strengthen the military).

When the Yamauchi family was enshrined in Tosa, a social hierarchy was established. Retainers from the time of Kakegawa Castle lordship (ancestors of Itagaki Taisuke and others) and those recruited from Rōnin in Osaka before entering Tosa (ancestors of Gotō Shōjirō and others) were classified as Jōshi (upper samurai). Some former retainers of the Chōsokabe clan (ancestors of Yoshida Tōyō, Tani Tateki, etc.) also became Jōshi. Other former Chōsokabe vassals and local Jizamurai (rural samurai) were made Gōshi (rural samurai). However, Tosa also had a flexible system where Gōshi could be elevated to Shirasaji (a status treated as Jōshi) for distinguished lineage or service. Takechi Zuizan came from a family that had been Shirasaji-Gōshi for three generations. Sakamoto Ryōma's great-uncle's family, the Miyaji, had risen from Shōya (village headman) → Gōshi → Shirasaji-Gōshi. During the Bakumatsu period, the Jōshi class comprised ranks equivalent to Karō (elder), Chūrō (middle elder), Umamawari (horseman), Koshō (page), and Rusui (caretaker).

• Yoshida clan - Yoshida Tōyō, Yoshida Masaharu
• Takechi clan - Takechi Masatsune, Takechi Zuizan
• Miyaji clan - Miyaji Nobusada (Sakamoto Ryōma's great-uncle), Miyaji Shigeharu
• Ōguro clan - Ōguro Kiyokatsu (head of the Musō Shinden Eishin-ryū iaijutsu school)
• Ikeda clan, Hayashi clan - Hayashi Masanobu, Ikeda Masatsugu (heads of the Musō Shinden Eishin-ryū iaijutsu school)
• Tani clan - Tani Tanzan, Tani Tateki
• Motoyama clan - Motoyama Shigetō
• Myōjin clan - Myōjin Yoshihide

The notion that "all former vassals of the Chōsokabe clan were strictly classified as lower-ranking samurai (Gōshi) and suffered long-term discrimination" is influenced by the historical novels of Ryōtarō Shiba (Shiba's historical perspective) and differs from historical facts. Consequently, Tosa's rich environment nurtured the unique, robust Igosso spirit in the Bakumatsu period, producing talents like Itagaki Taisuke, Gotō Shōjirō, Tani Tateki, Takechi Zuizan, Sakamoto Ryōma, and Nakaoka Shintarō. Domain opinion was split between anti-shogunate and pro-shogunate factions. Yamanouchi Yōdō was mocked as "sober he supports the shogunate, drunk he supports the Emperor." However, he approved the Secret Satsuma-Tosa Pact to Overthrow the Shogunate forged between Itagaki Taisuke (pushing for military overthrow) and Saigō Takamori through Nakaoka Shintarō's mediation. He initiated military reforms and modernized training. Simultaneously, he also approved the Satsuma-Tosa Pact urging the shogunate towards Taisei Hōkan (Return of Power), aiming for a peaceful transition and preservation of the Tokugawa house. This intensified the internal conflict between anti- and pro-shogunate factions. The Taisei Hōkan effectively served to gradually erode the shogunate's authority. Furthermore, during the Battle of Toba–Fushimi, domain samurai including Yamada Heizaemon, Yoshimoto Hayanokuke, Yamaji Mototsugu, and Kitamura Shigeyori participated from the outset, defying Yōdō's orders to stand down, acting upon the secret Satsuma-Tosa pact. This decisively turned the tide towards loyalist overthrow. Gōshi who had been active in the Tosa Kinnotō achieved brilliant military successes in the Boshin War, joining units like the Junsintai. During the Aizu War, the severe class discrimination within Aizu Domain had alienated commoners, who harbored resentment against the shogunate. Consequently, no one hindered the Imperial forces' advance, and not a single person came to see off Lord Matsudaira Katamori when he retired to a temple for confinement. This experience motivated Boshin War veterans like Itagaki Taisuke to participate in the post-Meiji Restoration Freedom and People's Rights Movement.

The Nabeshima family, having sided with the Western Army at Sekigahara, secured their existing territories by defeating another Western Army general, Tachibana Muneshige, and were thus confirmed by Ieyasu. This established the 357,000 Koku Hizen Domain (Saga). However, this kokudaka was the Omote-daka (official surface yield), including territories of sub-domains and branches of the Nabeshima and Ryūzōji clans. The domain's effective Uchi-daka (internal yield) was only about 60,000 koku. Geographically close to Nagasaki, the domain was also burdened by the shogunate's order to alternate with Chikuzen Domain in guarding Nagasaki yearly, a duty that chronically strained its finances. Subsequently, through the expansion of directly controlled domain lands (reaching 880,000 koku Uchi-daka by 1869), centralization, and the domain lord Nabeshima Naomasa's successful domainal reforms, the domain's finances finally recovered. It propelled an industrial revolution in Bakumatsu-era Japan and boasted one of the nation's strongest military and technological capabilities.^[7]

Hizen became one of the most modernized domains by the Bakumatsu period. However, it never took a clear political stance, maintaining equal distance from the shogunate, the Court, and the Kōbu Gattai faction. It remained an observer until the Taisei Hōkan and the Restoration of Imperial Rule. Nonetheless, Hagakure (Hagakure Kikigaki), the dictations of Yamamoto Tsunetomo famously stating "I have found that the Way of the warrior is death," served as a spiritual pillar for the domain, fostering an undercurrent of anti-shogunate sentiment. Hizen joined the anti-shogunate movement later than Satsuma, Chōshū, and Tosa, only dispatching troops during the Boshin War. In essence, Hizen did not exercise its political or military power until after the Taisei Hōkan. This is one factor why, despite numerous figures like Soejima Taneomi, Etō Shinpei, and Ōkuma Shigenobu being appointed and active in the Meiji government, the Hizen clique remained relatively smaller and less influential compared to the Satsuma-Chōshū clique in central politics.^[8]

• Hōreki Incident - An anti-shogunate movement conceived by court nobles in the mid-Edo period.
• Keichō Embassy - A theory exists that it was partly intended to use a military alliance with Spain to overthrow the shogunate.