Chief ministership of Raman Singh

The chief ministership of Raman Singh commenced on 7 December 2003 and concluded on 17 December 2018, making him the second chief minister of the state of Chhattisgarh, and the longest-serving chief minister in the state's history. He was sworn in by the then governor, E. S. L. Narasimhan. Singh served three consecutive terms from 2003 to 2008, 2008 to 2013, and 2013 to 2018, representing the Bharatiya Janata Party. His tenure was marked by major welfare initiatives, particularly the reform of the Public Distribution System, which earned him the popular title “Chawal Wale Baba”. His government was defeated in the 2018 Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly election, bringing his tenure to an end.

Following the formation of Chhattisgarh on 1 November 2000, the state was initially governed by the Indian National Congress with Ajit Jogi serving as the first Chief Minister.^[1] The political landscape leading up to the 2003 Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly election was marked by intense rivalry between the incumbent Jogi administration and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The BJP's campaign was spearheaded by Dr. Raman Singh, who was then serving as the Union Minister of State for Commerce and Industry in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee cabinet.^[2] The 2003 elections were a watershed moment for the state, centered on issues of tribal identity, corruption allegations against the incumbent government, and the "Bahu-Beti-Roti" (Daughter-Sister-Bread) slogan focusing on safety and food security.^[3]

In the final results, the BJP secured a decisive mandate, winning 50 out of the 90 assembly seats, effectively ending the Congress's hold on the newly formed state.^[4] Dr. Raman Singh resigned from his central ministerial post to lead the state government, taking his first oath of office on 7 December 2003 at the Police Parade Ground in Raipur.^[5] This marked the beginning of a 15-year tenure characterized by the centralization of welfare schemes and the expansion of the Public Distribution System.^[6]

The economic policy of the Raman Singh administration was centered on leveraging Chhattisgarh's vast mineral resources and transforming it into an industrial hub while maintaining strict fiscal discipline. Under his leadership, the state's Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) witnessed a steady growth rate, often exceeding the national average during the 11th and 12th Five-Year Plans of India.^[7]

Chhattisgarh became one of the first states in India to adopt and strictly adhere to the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act. For much of the 2003–2018 period, the state maintained a revenue surplus, a feat noted by successive Finance Commissions.^[8] The administration focused on increasing non-tax revenue through mineral royalties from coal, iron ore, and bauxite.^[9]

A cornerstone of Singh's economic policy was the expansion of the power sector. By 2008, Chhattisgarh was declared a "Power Surplus State," attracting significant investment in energy-intensive industries.^[10] The state government facilitated the establishment of several thermal power plants through MoUs with private players and the expansion of the state-owned Chhattisgarh State Power Generation Company.

The administration's vision for economic modernization culminated in the development of **Naya Raipur** (now Nava Raipur Atal Nagar). Conceived as India's first greenfield planned city of the 21st century, it was designed to serve as a modern administrative and financial hub.^[11][12]

Between 2015 and 2018, Chhattisgarh consistently ranked among the top states in India in the "Ease of Doing Business" rankings released by the DPIIT and the World Bank.^[13] The government introduced a 'Single Window System' for industrial clearances to reduce red tape and promote the manufacturing sector.^[14]

The transformation of the Public Distribution System (PDS) is considered the hallmark of the Raman Singh administration. Upon taking office, Singh initiated a series of radical reforms to plug leakages and ensure food security for the state's tribal and rural population. These reforms were so successful that they were later studied as a model for the national-level National Food Security Act, 2013.^[15]

In December 2012, Chhattisgarh became the first state in India to enact its own Food Security Act. This legislation made the "Right to Food" a legal entitlement for nearly 90% of the state's population, providing highly subsidized food grains (Rice at ₹1 per kg) to "Antyodaya" and "Priority" households.^[16][17]

To eliminate corruption and the "middleman" culture, the administration implemented several systemic changes:

• **De-privatization of Fair Price Shops (FPS):** Private dealers were replaced by Community-based organizations, such as Gram Panchayats, Self-Help Groups (SHGs), and Co-operative societies.^[18]
• **CORE PDS and Computerization:** The government introduced an end-to-end IT solution, including GPS tracking of trucks carrying grains and SMS alerts to beneficiaries when stocks arrived at the shops.^[19]
• **Color-Coded Ration Cards:** Different colors were assigned to identify various categories of beneficiaries, reducing inclusion and exclusion errors.

The PDS reforms led to a significant reduction in hunger and "calorie poverty" in the state, particularly among the Scheduled Tribes in the Bastar division.^[20] The World Bank and various international agencies lauded the "Chhattisgarh Model" for its transparency.^[21]

To support the agrarian economy, Singh's government instituted a robust paddy procurement system. The state often paid a 'bonus' over and above the Minimum Support Price (MSP) set by the Central Government, leading Chhattisgarh to be known as the "Rice Bowl of India" (Dhan ka Katora).^[22]

During his 15-year tenure, the Raman Singh administration introduced several pioneering schemes aimed at providing universal healthcare and social safety nets for the marginalized sections of Chhattisgarh. The state’s healthcare policy was characterized by a shift towards insurance-based models and decentralized health infrastructure in tribal belts.

In 2012, the government launched the Mukhya Mantri Swasthya Bima Yojana (MSBY) to provide health insurance coverage to all citizens not covered under the central government's Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY). This made Chhattisgarh one of the few states in India to move toward Universal Health Coverage (UHC).^[23] The scheme provided an annual cover of ₹30,000 (later increased to ₹50,000) for hospitalization and surgical procedures to nearly 5.5 million families.^[24]

To combat the high Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) and Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) in tribal regions, the administration launched several key programs:

• **Mahtari Jatan Yojana:** A scheme to provide nutritious cooked meals to pregnant women through Anganwadi centers.^[25]
• **Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY):** Effective implementation of JSY led to a significant rise in institutional deliveries, which increased from 14.3% in 2003 to over 70% by 2018.^[26]
• **102 Mahtari Express:** A dedicated ambulance service for pregnant women and infants to ensure timely transport to health facilities.

The government expanded the scope of social security pensions for the elderly, widows, and persons with disabilities. Under the **Mukhyamantri Pension Yojana**, the state provided additional financial assistance over and above the central schemes.^[27]

• **Chief Minister's Kanyadan Yojana:** This scheme provided financial aid for the mass marriages of daughters from BPL (Below Poverty Line) families to prevent debt traps due to marriage expenses.^[28]

• **Saraswati Cycle Yojana:** To reduce the dropout rate of tribal girl students in secondary schools, the government distributed free bicycles. Studies indicated a 30% increase in the enrollment of girls in high schools following the scheme's launch.^[29]
• **Prayas Schools:** Special residential schools were established in Naxal-affected districts to prepare tribal students for competitive exams like IIT-JEE and NEET.^[30]

The Raman Singh administration’s tenure coincided with some of the most violent phases of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency in the Bastar division. Singh adopted a "two-pronged strategy" involving large-scale security operations combined with intensive infrastructure development in the "Red Corridor".^[31]

In 2005, a local anti-Maoist movement known as Salwa Judum (meaning "Peace March" in the Gondi language) emerged in the Dantewada district. Initially a spontaneous local uprising, it was subsequently supported by the state government, which organized volunteers into Special Police Officers (SPOs).^[32]

However, the movement became highly controversial due to allegations of human rights violations and the displacement of thousands of tribal villagers into government-run camps. In July 2011, in the landmark case of Nandini Sundar v. State of Chhattisgarh, the Supreme Court of India declared the arming of SPOs unconstitutional and ordered the disbanding of Salwa Judum.^[33]

Following the judicial ban on Salwa Judum, the administration shifted focus to professionalizing the state police force.

• **Greyhounds and Special Forces:** The state established the **District Reserve Guard (DRG)**, a specialized unit comprising local tribal youths and surrendered Maoists, who became the frontline force in anti-Naxal operations.^[34]
• **BastarNet:** To provide digital connectivity in insurgency-hit areas, the government launched 'BastarNet', a 832-km optical fiber network to strengthen communication for both security and civilian use.^[35]

The tenure saw both significant losses and tactical gains. The **2010 Dantewada Maoist attack**, which resulted in the deaths of 76 CRPF personnel, and the **2013 Jhiram Ghati attack**, which wiped out the state's Congress leadership, were the most significant security setbacks.^[36]

Conversely, the government's 'Surrender and Rehabilitation Policy' led to thousands of Maoists laying down arms, incentivized by financial aid and vocational training.^[37]

Agriculture served as the backbone of the Raman Singh administration's rural outreach, earning Chhattisgarh the moniker "Rice Bowl of the Nation" (Dhan ka Katora). His policies were characterized by high state-led procurement, irrigation expansion, and direct financial incentives to farmers, which played a pivotal role in the BJP's consecutive electoral victories in 2008 and 2013.^[38]

The administration overhauled the paddy procurement system by implementing a decentralized model. The state government provided a "Bonus" (incentive) over the Minimum Support Price (MSP) set by the Union Government, which significantly increased the disposable income of rural households. By 2014-15, Chhattisgarh had automated 1,988 procurement centers, making it one of the most transparent systems in India.^[39]

To reduce the farmers' dependence on monsoon, the government launched the **Sour Sujala Yojana**, providing solar-powered irrigation pumps to farmers at highly subsidized rates. This was particularly effective in remote tribal areas where the conventional electricity grid was hard to maintain.^[40] The percentage of irrigated land saw a steady increase due to the completion of pending canal projects and the promotion of micro-irrigation.

• **Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY):** Under Singh's tenure, Chhattisgarh was frequently ranked among the top-performing states in rural road construction, connecting thousands of previously isolated tribal hamlets (paras) to main markets.^[41]
• **Bastar Net and Digital Inclusion:** In his third term, the government initiated the 'Bastar Net' project, laying an optical fiber network across the Maoist-affected southern districts to provide high-speed internet to village panchayats.^[42]
• **Mukhyamantri Gram Gaurav Path:** A scheme dedicated to constructing concrete roads and drainage systems within village limits to improve sanitation and mobility during the monsoon.

The government promoted the "White Revolution" through the Chhattisgarh Rajya Sahakari Dugdh Mahasangh and introduced the **Emu Farming** and **Goat Rearing** schemes to provide alternative livelihoods. However, these allied sectors faced challenges in scaling up compared to the massive paddy procurement model.^[43]

Under the Raman Singh administration, Chhattisgarh transitioned from a newly formed agrarian state into one of India’s leading industrial and power-surplus states. The government’s economic strategy focused on leveraging the state’s mineral wealth—specifically coal and iron ore—while maintaining a revenue-surplus budget for much of his fifteen-year tenure.^[44]

A key pillar of Singh's industrial policy was the "Power Hub" vision. By streamlining clearances for thermal power plants and expanding state-run generation units, Chhattisgarh became a power-surplus state by 2008. This surplus energy was used as a major incentive to attract heavy industries, particularly in the steel and cement sectors.^[45] The administration signed hundreds of Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with private players, including the Jindal Group and Tata Steel, though some projects faced delays due to land acquisition and environmental hurdles.

Between 2015 and 2018, Chhattisgarh consistently featured in the top rankings of the "Ease of Doing Business" index conducted by the World Bank and the DPIIT.^[46]

• **Single Window System:** The government launched an integrated online portal for industrial clearances, drastically reducing the time required for environmental and labor permissions.^[47]
• **Logistics and Connectivity:** To support industrial growth, the administration focused on the "Rail-Coal-Steel" corridor, working with the Indian Railways to expand freight lines in the northern and central belts.

A significant achievement in urban-economic planning was the development of **Naya Raipur** (now Nava Raipur Atal Nagar). It was conceived as a modern administrative and financial capital to decongest Raipur and provide a world-class environment for IT and service-sector investments.^[48] While the city succeeded in shifting administrative functions, the transition of the commercial sector remained a gradual process through the end of Singh's term.

Beyond heavy industry, the **Industrial Policy (2014-2019)** offered specific subsidies for food processing, herbal medicine, and traditional handlooms (like Kosa silk). The government established several industrial estates through the Chhattisgarh State Industrial Development Corporation (CSIDC) to foster local entrepreneurship in the SME sector.^[49]

The Raman Singh administration was noted for several policy innovations that leveraged technology and decentralized governance to address chronic issues in education, digital divide, and tribal welfare. Many of these "Chhattisgarh Models" were later studied or adopted by other Indian states and the central government.

One of the most significant social innovations was the establishment of **Prayas Residential Schools** in 2010. Designed for meritorious students from Naxal-affected districts, these schools provided specialized coaching for national-level entrance exams like IIT-JEE and NEET. The initiative aimed to integrate tribal youth into the mainstream through elite professional education.^[50] By 2018, hundreds of students from insurgency-hit areas had successfully cleared competitive exams, a feat recognized with the Prime Minister's Award for Excellence in Public Administration.^[51]

In his third term, Singh launched the **Sanchar Kranti Yojana (SKY)**, one of the largest digital inclusion programs in India. The scheme aimed to distribute free smartphones to nearly 4.5 million people, including rural women and students, to promote digital literacy and ensure direct access to government services.^[52] This was coupled with the construction of several new telecom towers in the Bastar region to improve mobile penetration.

To cater to the elderly population, the government introduced the **Teerth Yatra Yojana** in 2012, providing state-funded pilgrimage trips to senior citizens. This scheme became a popular social welfare model, later emulated by various other states including Delhi and Madhya Pradesh.^[53]

While emergency services existed elsewhere, Chhattisgarh integrated the **Sanjeevani Express (108)** and **Mahtari Express (102)** with a centralized call center that used GPS-based dispatching. This innovation drastically reduced the response time in remote forest areas, particularly for maternal emergencies.^[54]

Chhattisgarh was the first state to introduce **CORE PDS** (Centralized Online Real-time Electronic PDS). This allowed beneficiaries to withdraw their rations from any Fair Price Shop in the city, similar to an ATM, breaking the monopoly of local ration shop owners and reducing corruption.^[55]

Despite the administration's focus on development and welfare, the fifteen-year tenure of Raman Singh was marked by significant security challenges and several high-profile political and administrative controversies.

The most persistent challenge was the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency. While the government claimed success in containment, several major attacks occurred during this period:

• **2010 Dantewada attack:** The killing of 76 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel in an ambush remains the deadliest attack on Indian security forces by Maoists.^[56]
• **2013 Jhiram Ghati attack:** A massive ambush on a convoy of Congress leaders resulted in the deaths of 27 people, including senior leaders Mahendra Karma and Vidya Charan Shukla, raising questions about intelligence failures.^[57]

The state-sponsored anti-Naxal militia, Salwa Judum, drew international criticism for alleged human rights abuses. The Supreme Court of India eventually stepped in, labeling the practice of arming untrained tribal youths as "unconstitutional." The court's judgment was a major legal blow to the administration's security policy.^[58]

During the third term, the opposition and several activists raised allegations regarding administrative irregularities:

• **PDS Scam (NAN Scam):** In 2015, the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) conducted raids on the Civil Supplies Corporation, alleging a multi-crore scam involving the quality of rice and kickbacks. While the government maintained it was an administrative lapse, the case became a major political flashpoint.^[59]
• **Sterilization Tragedy (2014):** The death of 13 women following a mass sterilization camp in Bilaspur led to a national outcry over the quality of healthcare infrastructure and pharmaceutical oversight in the state.^[60]

The administration's push for coal mining in the **Hasdeo Arand** forest region faced stiff resistance from tribal communities and environmentalists. The clearing of dense forests for mining projects was criticized for threatening local biodiversity and the traditional livelihoods of the Gondi people.^[61]